Ways in Which Spatial Studies Pivotal to Cultural Studies Essay

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Answer ONE of the following questions:
(A) What is the production of space? Throughout the first half of the quarter, we have challenged the idea that spaces are given geographies, but rather explored ways that space is culturally produced. Can answer the question by considering (but not necessary to answer all these questions): What is production? Who are spatial producers? What are dominant geographical productions and what are emergent geographical production? What are differences and similarities between Marx and Lefebvre? 
(B) What does Wiseman mean when he says “maps lie”? What are counter-cartographies? To answer this question, think about maps as forms of representation that position particular ways of seeing. You can also think about the ways counter cartographies offer pathways for political engagement. Do counter cartographies follow the same rules as dominant cartographic practices? 
(C) In what ways are spatial studies pivotal to cultural studies? How are space, place, and culture related concepts? Think about why this course on critical geography is taught under the course title “Advanced Topics in Cultural Production.” Explain differences between the terms space and place in order to get at different meanings of culture. This paper does not necessarily require a definition of culture, but should include a discussion on the function of culture. rather than thinking culture as a monolithic concept, think of it as a term in movement. Use space and place as launching points to think about cultural production. 

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Marx/Engels Internet Archive
Theses On Feuerbach
I
The chief defect of all hitherto existing materialism – that of Feuerbach included – is that the thing,
reality, sensuousness, is conceived only in the form of the object or of contemplation, but not as
sensuous human activity, practice, not subjectively. Hence, in contradistinction to materialism, the
active side was developed abstractly by idealism — which, of course, does not know real, sensuous
activity as such.
Feuerbach wants sensuous objects, really distinct from the thought objects, but he does not
conceive human activity itself as objective activity. Hence, in The Essence of Christianity, he
regards the theoretical attitude as the only genuinely human attitude, while practice is conceived and
fixed only in its dirty-judaical manifestation. Hence he does not grasp the significance of
“revolutionary”, of “practical-critical”, activity.
II
The question whether objective truth can be attributed to human thinking is not a question of theory
but is a practical question. Man must prove the truth — i.e. the reality and power, the this-sidedness
of his thinking in practice. The dispute over the reality or non-reality of thinking that is isolated from
practice is a purely scholastic question.
III
The materialist doctrine concerning the changing of circumstances and upbringing forgets that
circumstances are changed by men and that it is essential to educate the educator himself. This
doctrine must, therefore, divide society into two parts, one of which is superior to society.
The coincidence of the changing of circumstances and of human activity or self-changing can be
conceived and rationally understood only as revolutionary practice.
IV
Feuerbach starts out from the fact of religious self-alienation, of the duplication of the world into a
religious world and a secular one. His work consists in resolving the religious world into its secular
basis.
But that the secular basis detaches itself from itself and establishes itself as an independent realm
in the clouds can only be explained by the cleavages and self-contradictions within this secular basis.
The latter must, therefore, in itself be both understood in its contradiction and revolutionized in
practice. Thus, for instance, after the earthly family is discovered to be the secret of the holy family,
the former must then itself be destroyed in theory and in practice.
V
Feuerbach, not satisfied with abstract thinking, wants contemplation; but he does not conceive
sensuousness as practical, human-sensuous activity.
VI
Feuerbach resolves the religious essence into the human essence. But the human essence is no
abstraction inherent in each single individual.
In its reality it is the ensemble of the social relations.
Feuerbach, who does not enter upon a criticism of this real essence, is consequently compelled:
To abstract from the historical process and to fix the religious sentiment as
something by itself and to presuppose an abstract – isolated – human individual.
Essence, therefore, can be comprehended only as “genus”, as an internal, dumb
generality which naturally unites the many individuals.
VII
Feuerbach, consequently, does not see that the “religious sentiment” is itself a social product, and
that the abstract individual whom he analyses belongs to a particular form of society.
VIII
All social life is essentially practical. All mysteries which lead theory to mysticism find their rational
solution in human practice and in the comprehension of this practice.
IX
The highest point reached by contemplative materialism, that is, materialism which does not
comprehend sensuousness as practical activity, is contemplation of single individuals and of civil
society.
X
The standpoint of the old materialism is civil society; the standpoint of the new is human society, or
social humanity.
XI
The philosophers have only interpreted the world, in various ways; the point is to change it.
Written: Spring 1845
First Published: As an Appendix to Engels’ Ludwig Feuerbach and the
End of Classical German Philosophy, 1886.
Source: Marx/Engels Selected Works, Volume One, p. 13 – 15
Publisher: Progress Publishers, Moscow, USSR, 1969
Translated: W. Lough from the German
Transcription/Markup: Zodiac
Copyleft: Marx/Engels Internet Archive (marxists.org) 1995, 1999, 2002.
Permission is granted to copy and/or distribute this document under
the terms of the GNU Free Documentation License.
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Part One
Setting the scene
I’ve been thinking about ‘space’ for a long time. But
usually I’ve come at it indirectly, through some other
kind of engagement. The battles over globalisation, the
politics of place, the question of regional inequality, the
engagements with ‘nature’ as I walk the hills, the
complexities of cities. Picking away at things that don’t
seem quite right. Losing political arguments because the
terms don’t fit what it is you’re struggling to say.
Finding myself in quandaries of apparently
contradictory feelings. It is through these persistent
ruminations – that sometimes don’t seem to go
anywhere and then sometimes do – that I have become
convinced both that the implicit assumptions we make
about space are important and that, maybe, it could be
productive to think about space differenly.
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Three ruminations
1 The armies were approaching the city from the
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quarter named the reed or crocodile – the direction in
which the sun rises. Much was known about them
already. Tales had come back from outlying provinces.
Tax gatherers from the city, collecting tribute from
conquered territories, had met up with them. Envoys
had been despatched, to engage in talks, to find out
more. And now neighbouring groups, chafing against
their long subordination to the Aztec city, had thrown in
their lot with the strange invaders. Yet in spite of all
these prior contacts, the constant flow of messages,
rumours, interpretations reaching the city, the
approaching army was still a mystery. (‘The strangers
sat on “deer as high as the rooftops”. Their bodies were
completely covered, “only their faces can be seen. They
are white, as if made of lime. They have yellow hair,
although some have black. Long are their beards.”’1)
And they were arriving from the geographical direction
which, in these time-spaces, was held to be that of
authority.
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figure 1.1a Tenochtitlán – Aztec depiction
Source: The Bodleian Library
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It was also the Year One Reed, a year of both historical
and cosmological significance: a particular point in the
cycle of years. Over past cycles the city had become
mightily successful. It was only a few cycles ago that
the Mexica/Aztecs had first set up in this huge high
valley. They had arrived from the direction of the flint
and after long wanderings; an uncultivated people in the
eyes of the cities already established around the lake.
But since their arrival, and the founding of this city
Tenochtitlán, the Aztecs had piled success upon success.
The city was now the biggest in the world. Its empire
now stretched, through conquest and continual violent
subordination, to the ocean in two directions.
Thus far the Aztecs had conquered all before them. But
these armies approaching now are ominous. Empires do
not last for ever. Only recently Azcapotzalco, on the
edge of the lake, had been brought down after a brief
blaze of glory. And Tula, seat of
the revered Toltecs, now lies deserted, as do the ruins of
Teotihuacan. All these are reminders of previous
splendours, and of their fragility. And now these strange
invaders are coming from the direction of acatl; and it is
the Year One Reed.
Such things are important. Coincidences of events form
the structures of time-space. For Moctezuma they add to
the whole wretched conundrum of how to respond. It
could be a moment of crisis for the Empire.2
The men in the approaching army could hardly believe
their eyes when they first looked down upon the city.
They had heard that it was splendid but this was five
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times the size of Madrid, in the changing Europe which
they had left behind just a few years ago. And these
voyages, originally, had set out towards the west in the
hope of finding the east. When, some years before,
Cristobal Colón had ‘headed across the great emptiness
west of Christendom, he had accepted the challenge of
legend. Terrible storms would play with his ships as if
they were nutshells and hurl them into the jaws of
monsters; the sea serpent, hungry for human flesh,
would be lying in wait in the murky depths. …
navigators spoke of strange corpses and curiously
carved pieces of wood that floated in on the west wind
…’3 It was now the Year of Our Lord 1519.4 This small
army, with Hernán Cortés at its head and its few horses
and its armour, had sailed from what their leaders had
decided to call Cuba at the beginning of the year, and
now it was November. The journey from the coast had
been hard and violent, with battles and the making of
alliances. Finally, now, they had heaved to the top of
this pass between two snow-capped volcanoes. To
Cortés’ left and high above him, Popocatepetl steamed
endlessly. And below him, in the distance, lay this
incredible city, like nothing he had ever seen before.
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figure 1.1b Tenochtitlán – Spanish depiction
Source: The Newberry Library
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There were to be two years of duplicitous negotiation,
miscalculation, bloodshed, rout, retreat and readvance
before Hernán Cortés, Spanish conquistador, conquered
the city of the Aztecs, Tenochtitlán, which today we call
la ciudad de México, Mexico City, Distrito Federal.
The way, today, we often tell that story, or any of the
tales of ‘voyages of discovery’, is in terms of crossing
and conquering space. Cortés voyaged across space,
found Tenochtitlán, and took it. ‘Space’, in this way of
telling things, is an expanse we travel across. It seems
perhaps all very obvious.
But the way we imagine space has effects – as it did,
each in different ways, for Moctezuma and Cortés.
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Conceiving of space as in the voyages of discovery, as
something to be crossed and maybe conquered, has
particular ramifications. Implicitly, it equates space with
the land and sea, with the earth which stretches out
around us. It also makes space seem like a surface;
continuous and given. It differentiates: Hernán, active, a
maker of history, journeys across this surface and finds
Tenochtitlán upon it. It is an unthought cosmology, in
the gentlest sense of that term, but it carries with it
social and political effects. So easily this way of
imagining space can lead us to conceive of other places,
peoples, cultures simply as phenomena ‘on’ this surface.
It is not an innocent manoeuvre, for by this means they
are deprived of histories. Immobilised, they await
Cortés’ (or our, or global capital’s) arrival. They lie
there, on space, in place, without their own trajectories.
Such a space makes it more difficult to see in our
mind’s eye the histories the Aztecs too have been living
and producing. What might it mean to reorientate this
imagination, to question that habit of thinking of space
as a surface? If, instead, we conceive of a meeting-up of
histories, what happens to our implicit imaginations of
time and space?
2 The current governments in the UK and the USA
(and plenty of other current governments besides) tell us
a story of the inevitability of globalisation. (Or rather,
although they do not of course make this distinction,
they tell us a story of the inevitability of that particular
form of neoliberal capitalist globalisation which we are
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experiencing at the moment – that duplicitous
combination of the glorification of the (unequally) free
movement of capital on the one hand with the firm
control over the movement of labour on the other.
Anyhow, they tell us it’s inevitable.) And if you
point to differences around the globe, to Moçambique or
Mali or Nicaragua, they will tell you such countries are
just ‘behind’; that eventually they will follow the path
along which the capitalist West has led. In 1998 Bill
Clinton delivered himself of the reflection that ‘we’ can
no more resist the current forces of globalisation than
we can resist the force of gravity. Let us pass over the
possibilities of resisting the force of gravity, noting
merely that this is a man who spends a good deal of his
life flying about in aeroplanes …. More seriously, this
proposition was delivered unto us by a man who had
spent much of his recent career precisely trying to
protect and promote (through GATT, the WTO, the
speeding-up of NAFTA/TLC) this supposedly
implacable force of nature. We know the counter
argument: ‘globalisation’ in its current form is not the
result of a law of nature (itself a phenomenon under
dispute). It is a project. What statements such as
Clinton’s are doing is attempting to persuade us that
there is no alternative. This is not a description of the
world as it is so much as an image in which the world is
being made.
This much is now well established in critiques of
today’s globalisation. But it is perhaps less often made
explicit that one of the crucial manoeuvres at work
within it, to convince us of the ineluctability of this
globalisation, is a sleight of hand in terms of the
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conceptualisation of space and time. The proposition
turns geography into history, space into time. And this
again has social and political effects. It says that
Moçambique and Nicaragua are not really different
from ‘us’. We are not to imagine them as having their
own trajectories, their own particular histories, and the
potential for their own, perhaps different, futures. They
are not recognised as coeval others. They are merely at
an earlier stage in the one and only narrative it is
possible to tell. That cosmology of ‘only one narrative’
obliterates the multiplicities, the contemporaneous
heterogeneities of space. It reduces simultaneous
coexistence to place in the historical queue.
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And so again: what if? What if we refuse to convene
space into time? What if we open up the imagination of
the single narrative to give space (literally) for a
multiplicity of trajectories? What kinds of
conceptualisation of time and space, and of their
relation, might that give on to?
3 And then there is ‘place’. In the context of a world
which is, indeed, increasingly interconnected the notion
of place (usually evoked as ‘local place’) has come to
have totemic resonance. Its symbolic value is endlessly
mobilised in political argument. For some it is the
sphere of the everyday, of real and valued practices, the
geographical source of meaning, vital to hold on to as
‘the global’ spins its ever more powerful and alienating
webs. For others, a ‘retreat to place’ represents a
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protective pulling-up of drawbridges and a building of
walls against the new invasions. Place, on this reading,
is the locus of denial, of attempted withdrawal from
invasion/difference. It is a politically conservative
haven, an essentialising (and in the end unviable) basis
for a response; one that fails to address the real forces at
work. It has, undoubtedly, been the background
imagination for some of the worst of recent conflicts.
The upheavals in 1989 in various parts of old
communist Europe brought a resurgence, on a new scale
and with a new intensity, of nationalisms and territorial
parochialisms characterised by claims to exclusivity, by
assertions of the home-grown rooted authenticity of
local specificity and by a hostility to at least some
designated others. But then what of the defence of place
by working-class communities in the teeth of
globalisation, or by aboriginal groups clinging to a last
bit of land?
Place plays an ambiguous role in all of this. Horror at
local exclusivities sits uneasily against support for the
vulnerable struggling to defend their patch. While place
is claimed, or rejected, in these arguments in a startling
variety of ways, there are often shared undergirding
assumptions: of place as closed, coherent, integrated as
authentic, as ‘home’, a secure retreat; of space as
somehow originarily regionalised, as always-already
divided up.5 And more than that again, they institute,
implicitly but held within the very discourses that they
mobilise, a counterposition, sometimes even a hostility,
certainly an implicit imagination of different theoretical
‘levels’ (of the abstract versus the everyday, and so
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forth), between space on the one hand and place on the
other.
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What then if we refuse this imagination? What then not
only of the nationalisms and parochialisms which we
might gladly see thereby undermined, but also of the
notion of local struggles or of the defence of place more
generally? And what if we refuse that distinction, all too
appealing it seems, between place (as meaningful, lived
and everyday) and space (as what? the outside? the
abstract? the meaningless)?
It is in the context of worrying away at questions such
as these that the arguments here have evolved. Some of
the moments that generated the thinking here I have
written about before – 1989, the conflicts of class and
ethnicity in east London, the elusive Frenchness of
sitting in a Parisian café – but they have persisted, and
crop up again here pushed a little further. Encounters
with the apparently familiar but where something
continues to trouble, and unexpected lines of thought
slowly unwind. Most of all, the arguments which follow
took shape, theoretically and politically, in the context
of the perniciousness of exclusivist localisms and the
grim inequalities of today’s hegemonic form of
globalisation; and in the face of the difficulties, too, of
responding. It was wrestling with the formulation of
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these political issues that led to the prising open of their,
often hidden, ways of conceiving of space.
figure 1.2 Aztec footsteps in the Codex Xolotl
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Source: Bibliothèque nationale de France
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In the Year One Reed/Year of Our Lord 1519,
among the many aspects of radical otherness that
came face-to-face in the Valley of Mexico was the
manner of imagining ‘space’. Cortés carried with
him aspects of an incipient version of present
Western imaginations at the beginning of their
triumphal progress; but imaginations still
embedded in myth and emotion. For the Aztecs,
too, though very differently, gods, time and space
were inextricably linked. A ‘basic aspect of the
Aztec world view’ was ‘a tendency to focus on
things in the process of becoming another’
(Townsend, 1992, p. 122) and ‘Mexica thought did
not recognise an abstract space and time, separate
and homogeneous dimensions, but rather concrete
complexes of space and time, heterogeneous and
singular sites and events. … “place-moments”
[“lugares momentos”]’ (Soustelle, 1956, p. 120;
my translation).
The Codex Xolotl, a hybrid construction, tells
stories. Events are linked by footsteps and dotted
lines between places. ‘The manuscript is read by
locating the origin of the footprints and
deciphering the place signs as they occur on these
itineraries’ (Harley, 1990, p. 101). Whereas the
general assumption about Western maps today is
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that they are representations of space, these maps,
as were the European mappae mundi, were
representations of time and space together.
The imagination of space as a surface on which we are
placed, the turning of space into time, the sharp
separation of local place from the space out there; these
are all ways of taming the challenge that the inherent
spatiality of the world presents. Most often, they are
unthought. Those who argue that Moçambique is just
‘behind’ do not (presumably) do so as a consequence of
much deep pondering upon the nature of, and the
relationship between, space and time. Their
conceptualisation of space, its reduction to a dimension
for the display/representation of different moments in
time, is one assumes, implicit. In that they are not alone.
One of the recurring motifs in what follows is just how
little, actually, space is thought about explicitly. None
the less, the persistent
associations leave a residue of effects. We develop ways
of incorporating a spatiality into our ways of being in
the world, modes of coping with the challenge that the
enormous reality of space throws up. Produced through
and embedded in practices, from quotidian negotiations
to global strategising, these implicit engagements of
space feed back into and sustain wider understandings
of the world. The trajectories of others can be
immobilised while we proceed with our own; the real
challenge of the contemporaneity of others can be
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deflected by their relegation to a past (backward,
old-fashioned, archaic); the defensive enclosures of an
essentialised place seem to enable a wider
disengagement, and to provide a secure foundation. In
that sense, each of the earlier ruminations provides an
example of some kind of failure (deliberate or not) of
spatial imagination. Failure in the sense of being
inadequate to face up to the challenges of space; a
failure to take on board its coeval multiplicities, to
accept its radical contemporaneity, to deal with its
constitutive complexity. What happens if we try to let
go of those, by now almost intuitive, understandings?
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Critical Race Theory: The Key Writings that Formed the Movement
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Chapter Title: Use Value, Exchange Value and the Theory of Urban Land Use
Book Title: Social Justice and the City
Book Author(s): David Harvey
Published by: University of Georgia Press
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt46nm9v.8
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Chapter /
Use Value, Exchange Value and
the Theory of Urban Land Use
“The word VALUE, it is to be observed, has two different
meanings, and sometimes expresses the utility of some particular object, and sometimes the power of purchasing other
goods which the possession of that object conveys. The one
may be called ‘value in use’, the other, ‘value in exchange’.
The things which have the greatest value in use have frequently
little or no value in exchange; and on the contrary, those which
have the greatest value in exchange have frequently little or no
value in use.” (Adam Smith, The Wealth of Nations, 1776, 28.)
The distinction between use value and exchange value was a
prevailing source of concern for the political economists of the
nineteenth century. It provides the starting point for Ricardo’s
Principles of Political Economy and Taxation as well as for Marx’s
Capital. Jevons (1871, 128-44) set out to clarify what he correctly perceived as certain ambiguities and inconsistencies in both
Smith’s and Ricardo’s discussions on the matter, but in the
process he eliminated many of the interesting and socially relevant issues which attached to it. He equated use value to “total
utility” and exchange value to “the ratio of exchange”. The
latter then was related to the former via a formal definition—
a definition which Jevons regarded as the “keystone” for all
economic thought:
“The ratio of exchange of any two commodities will be the
reciprocal of the ratio of the final degrees of utility of the quantities of commodity available for consumption after the
exchange is completed.”
And so Jevons transformed political economy into economics
with its emphasis on sophisticated theoretical devices for marginal analysis. These sophisticated devices, insightful as they
153
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Socialist Formulations
may prove in certain respects, turn out to be weak tools for
handling some of the important and relevant problems posed
in classical political economy. Consequently, these problems
have the awkward habit of arising again in new guises. They
permeate much of welfare economics and take on quite specific
form in arguments over the specification of social welfare, the
provision of public goods, the nature of consumers’ and producers’ surpluses, the nature and appropriate measure of capital, etc. They also arise in the policy arena. It is evident, for
example, that the Social concept of need and the economic
concept of demand are two quite different things and that they
exist in a peculiar relationship to each other. It seems relevant,
therefore, to resurrect the distinction between use value and
exchange value in its original form and to enquire whether the
classical debate can provide any enlightenment with respect
to contemporary urban problems.
Marx made several significant contributions to the classical
debate. These contributions effectively resolve the ambiguities
found in the discussions by Smith and Ricardo, but indicate a
path for economic analysis quite different from that laid out by
Jevons. Part of the difficulty posed by Marx’s analysis lies in
his highly original way of using words. Oilman (1971) has
recently provided a detailed discussion on this topic. The
difficulty arises because Marx uses words in a relational and
dialectical way. Use value and exchange have no meaning in
and of themselves. They do not refer, as they appear to in
other discussions of the time, to two fixed but separate scaling
systems (possessing universal attributes) which either “exist”
in some a priori Kantian sense or can be discovered through an
empirical investigation of human behaviour. For Marx, they
take on meaning (come into existence if you will) through their
relationship to each other (and to other concepts) and through
their relationship to the situations and circumstances under
discussion (Oilman, 1971, 179-89). The term “use value” can
thus be applied to all manner of objects, activities and events in
particular social and natural settings. It can refer to religious
ideology, social institutions, work, language, commodities,
recreation, and so on. It is even reasonable to consider the use
value of the concept “use value”—indeed, this is what this essay
is partly about.
Marx paid greatest attention to the meaning of use value and
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