ISU Democratic Revolutions since 1980 Discussion

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The documents in Kenney’s 1989’s Part Two, Chapter One (pp. 23-54) are by intellectuals opposing dictatorships in one way or another. To understand their ideas (and these ideas’ appeal for the contemporaries), you will first focus on identifying keywords— goals, or values, or concepts—important to the authors.Choose THREE keywords—that is, concepts that are discussed or are integral to several if not all of the documents (which may, of course, use somewhat different terms; for example, one writer may refer to the “rule of law”, and another to “civil rights”, and you may decide that they are essentially discussing the same thing). For each keyword/concept, write a one-page (min. 200 words, please include the word count for each) discussion of how it is used or described in two or three of the documents. Note similarities and differences, and try to account for them.There are some examples of such keyword analysis from previous years in Canvas. See how these students approach and organize their analyses. You can learn something from them. But please do not plagiarize. Their keywords may not be your keywords. And not all of them get the grade of A or A-.Also, you will have to cite the documents you discuss for each keyword. The citation should simply indicate the author and the page number immediately following the sentence in which you quote, paraphrase, summarize, or refer to a document, such as: (Havel, 27).Grading will be based on1. Accuracy of your understanding of the documents and the concepts intended by the authors.2. Logical and reasonable interpretation of the keywords across the documents.3. Clarity of thesis (thesis statement about each keyword’s meaning or uses or effects necessary) and convincing use of substantive content from the documents to support your thesis (evidence).4. Clarity of your presentation and efficient style. Logical progression from sentence to sentence. No typos, no empty big words. You don’t have much space

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CHANGE OR ILLUSION?
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DESMOND TUTU
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Change or Illusion?
March 1980
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Bishop Desmond Tutu (1931-) of the Anglican Church delivered this
speech to the Black Sash, an organization of white women in South
Africa that promoted nonviolent resistance to apartheid. The apartheid
system sought to segregate South Africa’s racial communities from one
another and thus to maintain white supremacy. Tutu won the Nobel
Peace Prize in 1984 for his efforts to end this brutal discrimination and
to heal the sharp divisions in South Africa. After the fall of apartheid in
1994, he gained new renown as the head of the Truth and Reconcilia-
tion Commission, which examined the crimes of that regime. Two events
would have been much in the minds of his audience in 1980: the Soweto
Uprising in 1976, which had left hundreds dead, many of them school-
children, and the end of white rule in Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe) earlier
in 1980. Bishop Tutu, in turn, is concerned with how even the most
liberal-minded whites, who enjoyed freedom and prosperity comparable to
Western Europeans, must examine their complicity in repression.
Never mind I’m no economist.
women decided they were not g
restored. For a while they succe
reduced. … The government doe
ings are aroused about this or tha
Another point to be made is thi
ments. Do what you can in you
meer” (Afrikaans: Drop by drop
you, that the sea is only single d
there were no single drops of wate
To the government want to
number: nobody expects all the
we are told was not built in one di
You don’t want to alienate your su
base. We are prepared to exercise
strate your commitment to real ch
First of all, say clearly and uned
an undivided non-racial South A
unnegotiable: our citizenship in a
this commitment we are ready to
because these chaps are now talki !!
At present no one in governmen
ment (quite breathtaking) that th
there will be no black South Africa
to issue a warning as responsibly a
is this: if South Africa is to be balk
South African citizenship, then you
of a peaceful solution. … God is g
you an object lesson on how not to
provided us with Rhodesia. Let’s
always happens to the other guy…
I suppose the divided state of our nation is showed up nowhere
more dramatically than in the whole area of defense and so-called
patriotism. … Most whites, especially Afrikaners but not only they
are cock-a-hoop about defense. They believe they are defending South
Africa against the onslaught of communism. Many blacks are quite
sure they find very little to defend about present day South Africa. I
am totally opposed to communism and marxism…. I would be willing
to defend South Africa against communism but that is not my priority
concern. Communism is a potential enemy. My priority concern is the
present state of injustice and oppression of which I and fellow blacks
are victims in the land of our birth. There is nothing potential about
that it is a brutal actuality and that is what most blacks want to defend
themselves against here and now.
I believe that the polarization I have been describing is a very
serious matter and that it seems to be getting worse by the day…. We
are reaping the whirlwind due to the success of apartheid. …
“What can we do?” That is almost always the cry from many whites
when they are faced with the stark realities of our situation and they
are sincere people who do want to change things. I know there are
others who want change as long as things remain much the same, as
long as their privileges are not lost, as long as their high standard of
living remains unaffected. There always tends to be some sense of
impotence because they are faced with what seems to be a colossus. I
am very sympathetic with my white fellow South Africans but I have
no real sympathy with what I believe is an imagined impotence. You
do after all have the power of the ballot box. When the Indians in India
were incensed with Mrs. Indira Gandhi, they got rid of her. When the
British were browned off with the conservatives not even a Winston
Churchill could save them from a devastating postwar defeat at the
polls…. So if South African whites really mean business then they
have the
remedy in their own hands. …
Do you recall a strange case a few years ago when we had a colos-
sal butter surplus? By some convoluted economics the dairy board
decided that since there was a surplus the price of butter should go
up. I used to think that the free enterprise system decreed that if there
is oversupply then the price has to go down to increase demand.
To Do
Kenney 1989 pp 23-5…
There are those of us in South Africa who will go into ecstasies about
the changes that have happened. Is the government not removing all
discriminatory signs; don’t
we have multi-racial sport? People can now
go to so-called international hotels and restaurants (never mind the
embarrassments when you don’t know which of these facilities are
all races or not) and the Prime Minister has himself with
considerable courage, veritably bearding the lion in his den, made
those pronouncements about adapting or dying and about improving
the Immorality and Mixed Marriages Acts (whatever improving might
be construed to mean). All these and similar facts surely point to
change happening in South Africa?… They do not affect the struc
tures of the unjust apartheid society in any significant way at all….
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“Cornelius Mulder, a minister in the Sout
in a speech to Parliament in February 1978
“homeland” policy, in which the government
nicities and forced black South Africans to
country ever recognized these territories,
dependent on the South African economy.
White leaders of the British colony of
Smith, attempted to retain control in the
defeated in 1979 by an insurgency led by Rol
dence as Zimbabwe in April 1980.
From Desmond Tutu, “Change or Illusion?” March 1980, University of Cape Town
Library, Manuscripts and Archives Division.
Indira Gandhi (1917-1984): prime minister of India from 1966 to 1977, when her
party lost an election. She returned to power
in 1980 and was assassinated in 1984.
*In July 1945, just two months after the end of World War II, Prime Minister Winston
Churchill’s Conservative party was defeated by the Labour party.
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ON SOCIALIST DEMOCRACY
THE DOCUMENTS
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THE DOCU
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In the quest for democracy the people of Burma explore not only
the political theories and practices of the world outside their country
but also the spiritual and intellectual values that have given shape to
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their own environment.
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MIKHAIL GORBACHEV
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On Socialist Democracy
January 1987
right to differ as well as the duty to settle differences peacefully
Authoritarian governments see criticism of their actions and doctrine
as a challenge to combat. Opposition is equaled with “confrontation
which is interpreted as violent conflict. Regimented minds cannot
grasp the concept of confrontation as an open exchange of major differ-
ences with a view to settlement through genuine dialogue. The insecu-
rity of power based on coercion translates into a need to crush all
dissent. Within the framework of liberal democracy, protest and dissent
can exist in healthy counterpart with orthodoxy and conservatism, con
tained by a general recognition of the need to balance respect for indi-
vidual rights with respect for law and order.
The words “law and order” have so frequently been misused as an
excuse for oppression that the very phrase has become suspect in
countries which have known authoritarian rule. Some years ago a
prominent Burmese author wrote an article on the notion of law and
order as expressed by the official term nyein-wul-pi-pyar. One by one
he analyzed the words, which literally mean “quiet-crouched-crushed-
flattened,” and concluded that the whole made for an undesirable state
of affairs, one which militated against the qualities that the people of
Burma are seeing in their struggle for democracy.
In a revolutionary movement there is always the danger that politi-
cal exigencies might obscure, or even nullify, essential spiritual aims.
A firm insistence on the inviolability and primacy of such aims is not
mere idealism but a necessary safeguard against an Animal Farm
syndrome where the new order after its first flush of enthusiastic
reforms takes on the murky colors of the very system it has replaced.
The
people of Burma want not just a change of government but
change in political values. The unhappy legacies of authoritarianism
can be removed only if the concept of absolute power as the basis of
government is replaced by the concept of confidence of the people in
their right and ability to decide the destiny of their nation, the mutual
confidence in the principles of justice, liberty and human rights. Of
the four Buddhist virtues conducive to the happiness of laymen, sad-
dha, confidence in moral, spiritual and intellectual values, is the first.
To instill such confidence, not by an appeal to the passions but
through intellectual conviction, into a society which has long been
wracked by distrust and uncertainty is the essence of the Burmese
revolution for democracy. It is a revolution which moves for changes
endorsed by universal norms of ethics.
To Do
< Kenney 1989 pp 23-5... Disregard for laws, report-paddi ment of toadyism and adulation had atmosphere in society. Real care their life and work and for their planted by political flirtation-ther and prizes.... The world of day-to-day realities being were increasingly parting ways In this situation, comrades, the economic development of the count raised. We must make this decisive turn We must not retreat and there is no Today it is essential to say once Perestroika is a resolute overcomin destruction of the retarding mechar able and efficient machinery for ex progress of Soviet society.... Perestroika is reliance on the cre all-round extension of democracy a encouragement of initiative and sel pline and order, greater openness, fields of public life, and full and pro nity of the individual. ... It is only through the consisten forms inherent in socialism and mo our progress in production, science and the arts, in all areas of social 1 that ensures conscientious discipline through democracy and because of it is possible to open broad vistas f ative force-free labor and free thou What ways does the Political Bur racy in Soviet society?. Of paramount importance is the duction and the consistent implemen people's self-management. ... This i ensure the broad and active particip areas of social life and make it po miscalculations.... From the political point of view democratic nature of the electoral s When Mikhail Gorbachev (1931-) was chosen to be general secretary of the Communist party of the Soviet Union in March 1985, he was only fifty-four years old. His relative youth contributed to his awareness that the Soviet Union needed swift reform if it were to survive. The Soviet economy was in disastrous shape, hampered particularly by the deeply entrenched bureaucracy's resistance to change. Gorbachev's speech to a plenary meeting of the Central Committee in January 1987 can considered the most important political speech in the USSR since a previous general secretary, Nikita Khrushchev (1894-1971), addressed the crimes of Stalinism in a secret speech in February 1956. In this speech, Gorbachev uses the terms perestroika (restructuring) and glasnost (openness), which became internationally recognized as the basis for Soviet economic and political change. Although Gorbachev failed to save the regime, he did signal to the world that the days of highly centralized control were over. This contributed to the move- ments for change in Eastern Europe as well as in the Soviet Union. . Calendar 1:55 Elements of social corrosion that emerged in recent years have adversely affected society's morale and insidiously eroded the high moral values which have always been characteristic of our people and of which we are proud, namely, ideological conviction, labor enthusi- asm and Soviet patriotism.... From Mikhail S. Gorbachev, "On Socialist Democracy." in Mikhail Gorbachev, Social- zm. Peace and Democracy Writings, Speeches and Reports (Atlantic Highlands, NJ.: Zwan, 1987), 114-15, 118-19, 121, 129-30, 133-36, 138, 160, 162. CJ Dashboard Animal Farm: a dystopian novel by George Orwell (1945). 00 54 THE DOCUMENTS Elccta ON SOCIALIST DEMOCRACY 53 ( the electorate at all stages of the preelection and Inbox LTE 2 Poland, 1980-1989 proposals (sent to Party authorities) suggest that in work collectives and at places of residence, as meetings, discuss... several candidacies, that elec- irger constituencies, and that several deputies be of them. People believe that this would enable each his attitude to a greater number of candidates and and local government bodies to get to know better will of the population. to rid the voting procedure of formalism and to see bn campaign of even this year be held in an atmo-** democracy with the interested participation of the Teal Notifications !! To Do < Kenney 1989 pp 23-5... has become aware of the need to support critical-mindedness in society. Matters at times go so far that some officials regard even the slightest remark as an encroachment upon their prestige and defend it in any way they can. Then there are those officials, the more experi- enced ones, who admit the justness of criticism and even thank you for it, but are in no hurry to eliminate drawbacks, expecting to get away with things as usual. Such an attitude to criticism has nothing in common with our principles and ethics. At the present stage, when we are asserting new approaches in sociopolitical life, in the cultural and intellectual sphere, For the importance of criticism and self-criticism grows immeasurably. People's attitude to criticism is an important criterion of their attitude to reorganization, to everything new that is taking place in our society.... Speaking of democratization of Soviet society -- which is a matter of principle to us—it is important to underline once more the main, dis- tinguishing, feature of socialist democracy-an organic combination of democracy and discipline, of independence and responsibility, of the rights and duties of officials and of every citizen. Socialist democracy has nothing in common with permissiveness, irresponsibility, and anarchy. Real democracy serves every person. It protects his political and social rights and simultaneously serves every collective and the whole of society, upholding their interests. Democratization in all spheres of Soviet society is important first of all because we link it with the further development of working people's initiative and the use of the entire potential of the socialist system. We need democratization in order to move ahead, to ensure that legality grows stronger, that justice triumphs in our society and that a moral atmosphere in which man can freely live and fruitfully work is asserted in it .... Today the whole world is looking at the Soviet people. Will we be able to cope with the task? Shall we hold out? Will we be able to meet worthily the challenge thrown to socialism? We must give a worthy answer by our deeds, by our persevering work. And we cannot put it off.... We wish to turn our country into a model highly developed state, into a society with the most advanced economy, the broadest democracy, the most humane and lofty ethics, where the working man feels he is the real master, enjoys all the benefits of material and intellectual culture, where the future of his children is secure, where he has everything that is nec essary for a full and interesting life. And even skeptics will be forced to say: yes, the Bolsheviks can accomplish anything. Yes, the truth is on their side. Yes, socialism is a system serving man, working for his benefit. in his social and economic interests, for his cultural elevation. importance of control "from above" it is of funda- in the conditions of the democratization of society and effectiveness of control "from below" so that each official constantly feels his responsibility to In the electorate, on the work collectives, public he Party and the people as a whole. The main thing create and strengthen all instruments and forms of working people. ts do I have in mind? rst of all. The time has come to observe strictly the accountability of all elected and appointed officials ives and the population. It is necessary that every companied by lively and principled discussion, crit- cism and businesslike proposals, and end with an tivities of the person giving an account of his work. ions of extended democracy people themselves will in their work collective, town or village...... ng the atmosphere in society it is essential to fur- snost. This is a powerful lever for improving work Ir development and an effective form of control by Like the rest of Eastern Europe, Poland came under the control of the Soviet Union after World War II. In 1944, the Soviet Army began liber- ating Polish territory from the control of Nazi Germany, by 1948, Pol- ish Communists had completed their takeover of the government, the economy, and social institutions. Soviet leader Joseph Stalin (1879-1953) was suspicious of the Poles; he once remarked that installing his system there was like sad- dling a cow. Indeed, Poles did not take the saddling calmly. No society under Communist rule staged resistance more frequently than did the Poles. An armed resistance from 1944 to 1947, an uprising in 1956, a revolt by intellectuals in 1968, massive strikes in 1970 and 1976– these were just the more dramatic episodes leading up to the Solidar- ity experiment in 1980. Polish oppositionists in the 1980s looked to these moments of inspiration and also looked farther back to the underground state and army during World War II and to the uprisings against Russian rule in the nineteenth century. Poles, it seems, had never been willing to accept foreign or dictatorial rule. The Catholic faith that many shared (see, for example, Document 11) and that was affirmed worldwide by the election of a Pole as pope in October 1978 further encouraged resistance. But what form of resistance was the most effective? This question reemerged with new intensity among Polish thinkers and activists dur- ing the period of martial law that followed the crushing of Solidarity in December 1981. During the first winter of martial law, slogans of rebelliousness appeared on city walls across the country: "The winter is yours, but the spring will be ours." This was a vague promise. though, because very few Poles saw value in resorting to armed upris- ing. Leonid Brezhnev, the Soviet leader until his death in November 1982, was the same man who had invaded Czechoslovakia in 1968 and Afghanistan in 1979 to "defend" socialism in those countries. Perhaps the Soviets would be squeamish about the possibility of massive Pol- ish casualties—but perhaps not. Calendar 1:55 me has come to begin elaborating legal acts guaran- se should ensure maximum glasnost in the activities organizations and give the working people a real ess their opinions on any question of social life. self-criticism are a tested instrument of socialist seems to be no open objection to this. However in ter situations indicating that by no means everyone Dashboard 55 2:06 LTE Search < D201 2022 Keyword Analysis.docx HIST-D 201 Democratic Revolutions since 1980 Spring 2022 Keyword Analysis (15% of the final grade) Due at noon 12 pm, Friday, February 18 in Canvas The documents in Kenney's 1989's Part Two, Chapter One (pp. 23-54) are by intellectuals opposing dictatorships in one way or another. To understand their ideas (and these ideas' appeal for the contemporaries), you will first focus on identifying keywords- goals, or values, or concepts—important to the authors. Choose THREE keywords—that is, concepts that are discussed or are integral to several if not all of the documents (which may, of course, use somewhat different terms; for example, one writer may refer to the “rule of law”, and another to “civil rights”, and you may decide that they are essentially discussing the same thing). For each keyword/concept, write a one-page (min. 200 words, please include the word count for each) discussion of how it is used or described in two or three of the documents. Note similarities and differences, and try to account for them. There are some examples of such keyword analysis from previous years in Canvas. See how these students approach and organize their analyses. You can learn something from them. But please do not plagiarize. Their keywords may not be your keywords. And not all of them get the grade of A or A- Also, you will have to cite the documents you discuss for each keyword. The citation should simply indicate the author and the page number immediately following the sentence in which you quote, paraphrase, summarize, or refer to a document, such as: (Havel, 27). Grading will be based on 1. Accuracy of your understanding of the documents and the concepts intended by the authors. 2. Logical and reasonable interpretation of the keywords across the documents. 3. Clarity of thesis (thesis statement about each keyword's meaning or uses or effects necessary) and convincing use of substantive content from the documents to support your thesis (evidence). 4. Clarity of your presentation and efficient style. Logical progression from sentence to sentence. No typos, no empty big words. You don't have much space 82 OOO OOO Dashboard Calendar To Do Notifications Inbox Purchase answer to see full attachment Explanation & Answer: 3 pages Tags: history 1980 Democratic Revolutions User generated content is uploaded by users for the purposes of learning and should be used following Studypool's honor code & terms of service.